Bibliography
Venceslas
Kruta
Contributions to journals
Kruta, Venceslas, “L’iconographie des poteries peintes de Numance et le répertoire de l’art celtique laténien”, Études Celtiques 44 (2018): 7–33.
abstract:
[FR] Le répertoire des poteries peintes de Numance est un ensemble riche et cohérent, représentatif de l’art des Celtes hispaniques. L’examen des thèmes les plus fréquents – esse, triscèle, svastika, figures animales – révèle un parallélisme thématique significatif avec l’art celtique laténien des régions au nord des Pyrénées. L’analyse détaillée du «vase des taureaux » aboutit à la conclusion qu’il s’agit d’une représentation imagée de l’année celtique, par une séquence placée sous le signe de la constellation du Taureau, diurne pour la saison estivale, nocturne pour la saison hivernale. C’est la même conception de l’année qu’illustre la cruche cérémonielle de Brno. Il s’agit donc de deux manières différentes d’exprimer des idées aux racines communes très anciennes. L’analyse des images, qui ne se limite pas uniquement à leurs aspects stylistiques, mais tente de cerner également leur signification, permet ainsi de mieux comprendre la complexité du processus cumulatif dans la formation du monde spirituel des anciens Celtes.
[EN] The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia and the themes of the La Tène Celtic art.The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia constitutes a rich and coherent collection, representative of the art of the Hispanic Celts. The survey of the most frequent subjects – S-pattern, triskeles, svastika, pictures of animals – reveals significant similarities with the La Tène Celtic art at north of the Pyrenees. The detailed analysis of the “ bulls vase” ends to the conclusion that it is a symbolic representation of the Celtic year, in a sequence put under the sign of the constellation of the Bull, diurnal for the summer season, nocturnal for the winter season. It is the same conception of the year illustrated on the Brno ceremonial flagon. These two different ways of expressing ideas seem to be based on very ancient common roots. An analysis of images that is not limited to stylistic features, but also tries to outline their significance, allows a better understanding of the complexity of the cumulative process in the formation of the ancient Celts’ spiritual world.
[EN] The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia and the themes of the La Tène Celtic art.The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia constitutes a rich and coherent collection, representative of the art of the Hispanic Celts. The survey of the most frequent subjects – S-pattern, triskeles, svastika, pictures of animals – reveals significant similarities with the La Tène Celtic art at north of the Pyrenees. The detailed analysis of the “ bulls vase” ends to the conclusion that it is a symbolic representation of the Celtic year, in a sequence put under the sign of the constellation of the Bull, diurnal for the summer season, nocturnal for the winter season. It is the same conception of the year illustrated on the Brno ceremonial flagon. These two different ways of expressing ideas seem to be based on very ancient common roots. An analysis of images that is not limited to stylistic features, but also tries to outline their significance, allows a better understanding of the complexity of the cumulative process in the formation of the ancient Celts’ spiritual world.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 44, 2018: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Le répertoire des poteries peintes de Numance est un ensemble riche et cohérent, représentatif de l’art des Celtes hispaniques. L’examen des thèmes les plus fréquents – esse, triscèle, svastika, figures animales – révèle un parallélisme thématique significatif avec l’art celtique laténien des régions au nord des Pyrénées. L’analyse détaillée du «vase des taureaux » aboutit à la conclusion qu’il s’agit d’une représentation imagée de l’année celtique, par une séquence placée sous le signe de la constellation du Taureau, diurne pour la saison estivale, nocturne pour la saison hivernale. C’est la même conception de l’année qu’illustre la cruche cérémonielle de Brno. Il s’agit donc de deux manières différentes d’exprimer des idées aux racines communes très anciennes. L’analyse des images, qui ne se limite pas uniquement à leurs aspects stylistiques, mais tente de cerner également leur signification, permet ainsi de mieux comprendre la complexité du processus cumulatif dans la formation du monde spirituel des anciens Celtes.
[EN] The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia and the themes of the La Tène Celtic art.The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia constitutes a rich and coherent collection, representative of the art of the Hispanic Celts. The survey of the most frequent subjects – S-pattern, triskeles, svastika, pictures of animals – reveals significant similarities with the La Tène Celtic art at north of the Pyrenees. The detailed analysis of the “ bulls vase” ends to the conclusion that it is a symbolic representation of the Celtic year, in a sequence put under the sign of the constellation of the Bull, diurnal for the summer season, nocturnal for the winter season. It is the same conception of the year illustrated on the Brno ceremonial flagon. These two different ways of expressing ideas seem to be based on very ancient common roots. An analysis of images that is not limited to stylistic features, but also tries to outline their significance, allows a better understanding of the complexity of the cumulative process in the formation of the ancient Celts’ spiritual world.
[EN] The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia and the themes of the La Tène Celtic art.The iconography of the painted potteries from Numantia constitutes a rich and coherent collection, representative of the art of the Hispanic Celts. The survey of the most frequent subjects – S-pattern, triskeles, svastika, pictures of animals – reveals significant similarities with the La Tène Celtic art at north of the Pyrenees. The detailed analysis of the “ bulls vase” ends to the conclusion that it is a symbolic representation of the Celtic year, in a sequence put under the sign of the constellation of the Bull, diurnal for the summer season, nocturnal for the winter season. It is the same conception of the year illustrated on the Brno ceremonial flagon. These two different ways of expressing ideas seem to be based on very ancient common roots. An analysis of images that is not limited to stylistic features, but also tries to outline their significance, allows a better understanding of the complexity of the cumulative process in the formation of the ancient Celts’ spiritual world.
Kruta, Venceslas, “«Têtes jumelées» et jumeaux divins : essai d’iconographie celtique”, Études Celtiques 42 (2016): 33–57.
abstract:
[FR] Le thème des têtes jumelées – généralement deux visages représentés de face ou de profil, directement reliés ou associés sur le même objet – fait partie des sujets qui caractérisent l’art celtique depuis le Ve siècle avant J.-C. Il figure pendant cinq siècles sur une grande variété d’objets – parures, pièces de l’armement, cruches cérémonielles, monnaies – qui témoignent d’une ample diffusion spatiale et temporelle. On peut discerner un lien certain entre ces représentations et le personnage associé à l’Arbre cosmique, identifié à Lug, que les spécialistes de la religion celtique considèrent comme le représentant principal chez les Celtes des jumeaux divins, «fils du Ciel diurne» de la tradition indo-européenne. L’identification de ce thème constitue ainsi une nouvelle contribution à la connaissance et à la compréhension de l’arrière-plan religieux du répertoire de l’art des anciens Celtes.
[EN] “Twin Heads” and the divine Twins : essay in Celtic iconography.The theme of the “Twin Heads” – generally two human faces, opposed, juxtaposed, superposed or associated in other modes on the same object – is frequent in the Celtic art from the 5th century B. C. It probably represents the Celtic Dioscuroi, descendants of the Indo-European “Sons of the diurnal Heavens”, mentioned in the written sources. The most important and famous of these two brothers was Lug, principal divinity of the ancient Celts. His face is often represented alone, crowned with the palmette or “double mistletoe-leaf”, like the Master of the “Universe Axis” or “Tree of Life”, associated with the two monsters in permanent struggle in the cyclic season change.
[EN] “Twin Heads” and the divine Twins : essay in Celtic iconography.The theme of the “Twin Heads” – generally two human faces, opposed, juxtaposed, superposed or associated in other modes on the same object – is frequent in the Celtic art from the 5th century B. C. It probably represents the Celtic Dioscuroi, descendants of the Indo-European “Sons of the diurnal Heavens”, mentioned in the written sources. The most important and famous of these two brothers was Lug, principal divinity of the ancient Celts. His face is often represented alone, crowned with the palmette or “double mistletoe-leaf”, like the Master of the “Universe Axis” or “Tree of Life”, associated with the two monsters in permanent struggle in the cyclic season change.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 42, 2016: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Le thème des têtes jumelées – généralement deux visages représentés de face ou de profil, directement reliés ou associés sur le même objet – fait partie des sujets qui caractérisent l’art celtique depuis le Ve siècle avant J.-C. Il figure pendant cinq siècles sur une grande variété d’objets – parures, pièces de l’armement, cruches cérémonielles, monnaies – qui témoignent d’une ample diffusion spatiale et temporelle. On peut discerner un lien certain entre ces représentations et le personnage associé à l’Arbre cosmique, identifié à Lug, que les spécialistes de la religion celtique considèrent comme le représentant principal chez les Celtes des jumeaux divins, «fils du Ciel diurne» de la tradition indo-européenne. L’identification de ce thème constitue ainsi une nouvelle contribution à la connaissance et à la compréhension de l’arrière-plan religieux du répertoire de l’art des anciens Celtes.
[EN] “Twin Heads” and the divine Twins : essay in Celtic iconography.The theme of the “Twin Heads” – generally two human faces, opposed, juxtaposed, superposed or associated in other modes on the same object – is frequent in the Celtic art from the 5th century B. C. It probably represents the Celtic Dioscuroi, descendants of the Indo-European “Sons of the diurnal Heavens”, mentioned in the written sources. The most important and famous of these two brothers was Lug, principal divinity of the ancient Celts. His face is often represented alone, crowned with the palmette or “double mistletoe-leaf”, like the Master of the “Universe Axis” or “Tree of Life”, associated with the two monsters in permanent struggle in the cyclic season change.
[EN] “Twin Heads” and the divine Twins : essay in Celtic iconography.The theme of the “Twin Heads” – generally two human faces, opposed, juxtaposed, superposed or associated in other modes on the same object – is frequent in the Celtic art from the 5th century B. C. It probably represents the Celtic Dioscuroi, descendants of the Indo-European “Sons of the diurnal Heavens”, mentioned in the written sources. The most important and famous of these two brothers was Lug, principal divinity of the ancient Celts. His face is often represented alone, crowned with the palmette or “double mistletoe-leaf”, like the Master of the “Universe Axis” or “Tree of Life”, associated with the two monsters in permanent struggle in the cyclic season change.
Kruta, Venceslas, “Les bronzes de Castiglione delle Stiviere : carnyx ou effigie d’un échassier ?”, Études Celtiques 39 (2013): 41–60.
abstract:
[FR] La tombe de Castiglione delle Stiviere (Lombardie), découverte vers 1914 et datable vers le deuxième tiers du IIIe siècle av. J.-C., contenait un lot de pièces plus ou moins fragmentaires en tôle de bronze, portant presque toutes un décor au repoussé. Elles furent classées très tôt parmi les oeuvres représentatives de l’art celtique d’Italie. La tentative de R. De Marinis d’attribuer une partie de ces fragments à un carnyx, la trompette de guerre celtique et les autres à une effigie d’oiseau – enseigne ou casque – a été accueillie par une partie de la communauté scientifique, mais a soulevé également des objections et des propositions alternatives. L’auteur présente une nouvelle tentative d’intégrer tous les fragments conservés dans l’effigie d’un échassier, où la tôle aurait été peut-être associée à du bois ou une autre matière organique. Sa taille, estimée à environ un mètre, suggère la fonction de statue cultuelle. Le choix a porté sur la grue, non seulement parce que sa silhouette permet une mise en place optimale des fragments mais également pour sa signification dans la mythologie celtique, illustrée aussi bien par l’iconographie que par les textes.
[EN] The bronze sheets of Castiglione delle Stiviere : a carnyx or an effigy of a wading bird ?
The grave of Castiglione delle Stiviere (Lombardy-Italy), discovered around 1914 and dated around the second third of the IIIrd century B. C., contained several fragments of bronze sheets, almost all having embossed ornaments. They were identified very early as being representative of Italian Celtic art. The attempt of R. De Marinis to attribute part of these fragments to a carnyx, the Celtic war trumpet, and the rest to the image of a bird – ensign or helmet – was accepted by part of the scientific community, but also raised objections and alternative proposals. The author proposes that all the preserved fragments belong to the effigy of a wading bird, in which the sheet bronzes might have been associated with wood or another organic material. Its size, which is estimated to approximately one meter, suggests a cultual function. The statue probably represents a crane, not only because its shape allows an optimal placement of the fragments, but also because of its meaning in the Celtic mythology, as illustrated in iconography and in texts.
[EN] The bronze sheets of Castiglione delle Stiviere : a carnyx or an effigy of a wading bird ?
The grave of Castiglione delle Stiviere (Lombardy-Italy), discovered around 1914 and dated around the second third of the IIIrd century B. C., contained several fragments of bronze sheets, almost all having embossed ornaments. They were identified very early as being representative of Italian Celtic art. The attempt of R. De Marinis to attribute part of these fragments to a carnyx, the Celtic war trumpet, and the rest to the image of a bird – ensign or helmet – was accepted by part of the scientific community, but also raised objections and alternative proposals. The author proposes that all the preserved fragments belong to the effigy of a wading bird, in which the sheet bronzes might have been associated with wood or another organic material. Its size, which is estimated to approximately one meter, suggests a cultual function. The statue probably represents a crane, not only because its shape allows an optimal placement of the fragments, but also because of its meaning in the Celtic mythology, as illustrated in iconography and in texts.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 39, 2013: <link>
abstract:
[FR] La tombe de Castiglione delle Stiviere (Lombardie), découverte vers 1914 et datable vers le deuxième tiers du IIIe siècle av. J.-C., contenait un lot de pièces plus ou moins fragmentaires en tôle de bronze, portant presque toutes un décor au repoussé. Elles furent classées très tôt parmi les oeuvres représentatives de l’art celtique d’Italie. La tentative de R. De Marinis d’attribuer une partie de ces fragments à un carnyx, la trompette de guerre celtique et les autres à une effigie d’oiseau – enseigne ou casque – a été accueillie par une partie de la communauté scientifique, mais a soulevé également des objections et des propositions alternatives. L’auteur présente une nouvelle tentative d’intégrer tous les fragments conservés dans l’effigie d’un échassier, où la tôle aurait été peut-être associée à du bois ou une autre matière organique. Sa taille, estimée à environ un mètre, suggère la fonction de statue cultuelle. Le choix a porté sur la grue, non seulement parce que sa silhouette permet une mise en place optimale des fragments mais également pour sa signification dans la mythologie celtique, illustrée aussi bien par l’iconographie que par les textes.
[EN] The bronze sheets of Castiglione delle Stiviere : a carnyx or an effigy of a wading bird ?
The grave of Castiglione delle Stiviere (Lombardy-Italy), discovered around 1914 and dated around the second third of the IIIrd century B. C., contained several fragments of bronze sheets, almost all having embossed ornaments. They were identified very early as being representative of Italian Celtic art. The attempt of R. De Marinis to attribute part of these fragments to a carnyx, the Celtic war trumpet, and the rest to the image of a bird – ensign or helmet – was accepted by part of the scientific community, but also raised objections and alternative proposals. The author proposes that all the preserved fragments belong to the effigy of a wading bird, in which the sheet bronzes might have been associated with wood or another organic material. Its size, which is estimated to approximately one meter, suggests a cultual function. The statue probably represents a crane, not only because its shape allows an optimal placement of the fragments, but also because of its meaning in the Celtic mythology, as illustrated in iconography and in texts.
[EN] The bronze sheets of Castiglione delle Stiviere : a carnyx or an effigy of a wading bird ?
The grave of Castiglione delle Stiviere (Lombardy-Italy), discovered around 1914 and dated around the second third of the IIIrd century B. C., contained several fragments of bronze sheets, almost all having embossed ornaments. They were identified very early as being representative of Italian Celtic art. The attempt of R. De Marinis to attribute part of these fragments to a carnyx, the Celtic war trumpet, and the rest to the image of a bird – ensign or helmet – was accepted by part of the scientific community, but also raised objections and alternative proposals. The author proposes that all the preserved fragments belong to the effigy of a wading bird, in which the sheet bronzes might have been associated with wood or another organic material. Its size, which is estimated to approximately one meter, suggests a cultual function. The statue probably represents a crane, not only because its shape allows an optimal placement of the fragments, but also because of its meaning in the Celtic mythology, as illustrated in iconography and in texts.
Kruta, Venceslas, “La place et la signification du cheval dans l’imagerie celtique”, Études Celtiques 38 (2012): 43–59.
abstract:
[FR] Le cheval est l’animal le plus souvent représenté dans le répertoire de l’art celtique, de loin avant le sanglier, notamment sur les images monétaires. La raison de cette vogue a été cherchée dans des explications aussi variées et différentes que l’importance accordée à l’élevage ou l’expression d’un concept métaphysique. L’invention, purement celtique, de l’équidé monstrueux à tête humaine, documenté dès le Ve siècle av. J.-C. par la statuette de la cruche de Reinheim et très fréquent plus tard sur les monnaies, suggère qu’il pourrait s’agir de la représentation de la forme animale d’un personnage divin, probablement de nature solaire. Même l’image du cheval seul serait donc celle de l’avatar divin plutôt que celle d’un simple animal. Pour comprendre le rôle du cheval dans l’iconographie des Celtes, il convient non seulement de chercher des indices dans les équivalences et associations d’images de l’art celtique laténien des Ve-Ier siècles avant J.-C., mais aussi de remonter dans le temps, jusqu’à l’âge du bronze. Cet examen confirme pleinement le lien qui existe dès la seconde moitié du
IIe millénaire av. J.-C. entre un très grand nombre d’images de l’animal, des thèmes solaires et un personnage souvent dédoublé de nature dioscurique, dans une aire qui semble correspondre pour l’essentiel non seulement à des populations présumées celtiques, mais plus largement indo-européennes.
[EN] The place and meaning of the horse in the Celtic imagery.
The horse is the animal most often represented in the Celtic art repertoire, much more than the wild boar, particularly in monetary images. The reason for this vogue has been sought in explanations as varied and different as the importance attached to livestock farming or the expression of a metaphysical concept. The purely Celtic invention of an equine monster with a human head – documented as early as the fifth century BC with the figure of the Reinheim jug and very common later on currencies – suggests that this could be the representation of the animal form of a divine figure, probably solar. Even the image of the sole horse would be the one of the divine avatar rather than a simple animal. To understand the role of the horse in the iconography of the Celts, one should not only look for clues in the equivalences and in the associations of images of the Latenian Celtic art of Ve-Ist century BC, but also go back in time to the Bronze Age. This consideration fully confirms the link in the second half of the second millennium BC between a very large number of animal images, solar themes and an often doubled character of dioscuric nature, in an area which seems to correspond mainly not only to allegedly Celtic populations, but also more largely to Indo-European ones.
IIe millénaire av. J.-C. entre un très grand nombre d’images de l’animal, des thèmes solaires et un personnage souvent dédoublé de nature dioscurique, dans une aire qui semble correspondre pour l’essentiel non seulement à des populations présumées celtiques, mais plus largement indo-européennes.
[EN] The place and meaning of the horse in the Celtic imagery.
The horse is the animal most often represented in the Celtic art repertoire, much more than the wild boar, particularly in monetary images. The reason for this vogue has been sought in explanations as varied and different as the importance attached to livestock farming or the expression of a metaphysical concept. The purely Celtic invention of an equine monster with a human head – documented as early as the fifth century BC with the figure of the Reinheim jug and very common later on currencies – suggests that this could be the representation of the animal form of a divine figure, probably solar. Even the image of the sole horse would be the one of the divine avatar rather than a simple animal. To understand the role of the horse in the iconography of the Celts, one should not only look for clues in the equivalences and in the associations of images of the Latenian Celtic art of Ve-Ist century BC, but also go back in time to the Bronze Age. This consideration fully confirms the link in the second half of the second millennium BC between a very large number of animal images, solar themes and an often doubled character of dioscuric nature, in an area which seems to correspond mainly not only to allegedly Celtic populations, but also more largely to Indo-European ones.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 38, 2012: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Le cheval est l’animal le plus souvent représenté dans le répertoire de l’art celtique, de loin avant le sanglier, notamment sur les images monétaires. La raison de cette vogue a été cherchée dans des explications aussi variées et différentes que l’importance accordée à l’élevage ou l’expression d’un concept métaphysique. L’invention, purement celtique, de l’équidé monstrueux à tête humaine, documenté dès le Ve siècle av. J.-C. par la statuette de la cruche de Reinheim et très fréquent plus tard sur les monnaies, suggère qu’il pourrait s’agir de la représentation de la forme animale d’un personnage divin, probablement de nature solaire. Même l’image du cheval seul serait donc celle de l’avatar divin plutôt que celle d’un simple animal. Pour comprendre le rôle du cheval dans l’iconographie des Celtes, il convient non seulement de chercher des indices dans les équivalences et associations d’images de l’art celtique laténien des Ve-Ier siècles avant J.-C., mais aussi de remonter dans le temps, jusqu’à l’âge du bronze. Cet examen confirme pleinement le lien qui existe dès la seconde moitié du
IIe millénaire av. J.-C. entre un très grand nombre d’images de l’animal, des thèmes solaires et un personnage souvent dédoublé de nature dioscurique, dans une aire qui semble correspondre pour l’essentiel non seulement à des populations présumées celtiques, mais plus largement indo-européennes.
[EN] The place and meaning of the horse in the Celtic imagery.
The horse is the animal most often represented in the Celtic art repertoire, much more than the wild boar, particularly in monetary images. The reason for this vogue has been sought in explanations as varied and different as the importance attached to livestock farming or the expression of a metaphysical concept. The purely Celtic invention of an equine monster with a human head – documented as early as the fifth century BC with the figure of the Reinheim jug and very common later on currencies – suggests that this could be the representation of the animal form of a divine figure, probably solar. Even the image of the sole horse would be the one of the divine avatar rather than a simple animal. To understand the role of the horse in the iconography of the Celts, one should not only look for clues in the equivalences and in the associations of images of the Latenian Celtic art of Ve-Ist century BC, but also go back in time to the Bronze Age. This consideration fully confirms the link in the second half of the second millennium BC between a very large number of animal images, solar themes and an often doubled character of dioscuric nature, in an area which seems to correspond mainly not only to allegedly Celtic populations, but also more largely to Indo-European ones.
IIe millénaire av. J.-C. entre un très grand nombre d’images de l’animal, des thèmes solaires et un personnage souvent dédoublé de nature dioscurique, dans une aire qui semble correspondre pour l’essentiel non seulement à des populations présumées celtiques, mais plus largement indo-européennes.
[EN] The place and meaning of the horse in the Celtic imagery.
The horse is the animal most often represented in the Celtic art repertoire, much more than the wild boar, particularly in monetary images. The reason for this vogue has been sought in explanations as varied and different as the importance attached to livestock farming or the expression of a metaphysical concept. The purely Celtic invention of an equine monster with a human head – documented as early as the fifth century BC with the figure of the Reinheim jug and very common later on currencies – suggests that this could be the representation of the animal form of a divine figure, probably solar. Even the image of the sole horse would be the one of the divine avatar rather than a simple animal. To understand the role of the horse in the iconography of the Celts, one should not only look for clues in the equivalences and in the associations of images of the Latenian Celtic art of Ve-Ist century BC, but also go back in time to the Bronze Age. This consideration fully confirms the link in the second half of the second millennium BC between a very large number of animal images, solar themes and an often doubled character of dioscuric nature, in an area which seems to correspond mainly not only to allegedly Celtic populations, but also more largely to Indo-European ones.
Kruta, Venceslas, “Les Sénons dans les Marches aux IVe et IIIe siècles avant J.-C. État de la question”, Études Celtiques 36 (2008): 7–20.
abstract:
[FR] Vingt-cinq ans après un article paru dans cette même revue (Études celtiques 18, 1981, p. 7-38), l’auteur répond à certaines observations critiques qui ne paraissent pas s’appuyer sur des arguments solides. Les Sénons ont joué un rôle très important comme intermédiaire privilégié, pendant plus d’un siècle, entre les Celtes transalpins auxquels ils appartenaient à l’origine et le monde gréco-étrusque. Les Sénons sont-ils vraiment restés sous les armes après la défaite de 283 av. J.-C. ? il y a des divergences concernant la datation de quelques objets dans le mobilier de la nécropole de Montefortino. En attendant la révision et la publication critique des matériaux, la datation haute des dernières sépultures avec armes laténiennes du territoire sénon (vers 280-270 av. J. C.) paraît être encore aujourd’hui l’hypothèse la plus cohérente et la mieux adaptée aux données disponibles.
[EN] Twenty five years after a first contribution in this journal (Études celtiques 18, 1981, p. 7-38), the author faces some critics which are not well founded. The ’ Senones’’ played a very important rôle as special go-between between Transalpine Celts, to which they originally belonged, and the Greco-Etruscan world. Could they have stayed an armed people after the severe defeat of 283 BC ? The date of some artefacts in Montefortino necropol is most debated. Waiting for a critical revision of the material, a high datation (c. 280-270 BC) for the last tombs with La Tène arms in the Senon territory is still the most coherent hypothesis, and the best adapted to available data.
[EN] Twenty five years after a first contribution in this journal (Études celtiques 18, 1981, p. 7-38), the author faces some critics which are not well founded. The ’ Senones’’ played a very important rôle as special go-between between Transalpine Celts, to which they originally belonged, and the Greco-Etruscan world. Could they have stayed an armed people after the severe defeat of 283 BC ? The date of some artefacts in Montefortino necropol is most debated. Waiting for a critical revision of the material, a high datation (c. 280-270 BC) for the last tombs with La Tène arms in the Senon territory is still the most coherent hypothesis, and the best adapted to available data.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 36, 2008: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Vingt-cinq ans après un article paru dans cette même revue (Études celtiques 18, 1981, p. 7-38), l’auteur répond à certaines observations critiques qui ne paraissent pas s’appuyer sur des arguments solides. Les Sénons ont joué un rôle très important comme intermédiaire privilégié, pendant plus d’un siècle, entre les Celtes transalpins auxquels ils appartenaient à l’origine et le monde gréco-étrusque. Les Sénons sont-ils vraiment restés sous les armes après la défaite de 283 av. J.-C. ? il y a des divergences concernant la datation de quelques objets dans le mobilier de la nécropole de Montefortino. En attendant la révision et la publication critique des matériaux, la datation haute des dernières sépultures avec armes laténiennes du territoire sénon (vers 280-270 av. J. C.) paraît être encore aujourd’hui l’hypothèse la plus cohérente et la mieux adaptée aux données disponibles.
[EN] Twenty five years after a first contribution in this journal (Études celtiques 18, 1981, p. 7-38), the author faces some critics which are not well founded. The ’ Senones’’ played a very important rôle as special go-between between Transalpine Celts, to which they originally belonged, and the Greco-Etruscan world. Could they have stayed an armed people after the severe defeat of 283 BC ? The date of some artefacts in Montefortino necropol is most debated. Waiting for a critical revision of the material, a high datation (c. 280-270 BC) for the last tombs with La Tène arms in the Senon territory is still the most coherent hypothesis, and the best adapted to available data.
[EN] Twenty five years after a first contribution in this journal (Études celtiques 18, 1981, p. 7-38), the author faces some critics which are not well founded. The ’ Senones’’ played a very important rôle as special go-between between Transalpine Celts, to which they originally belonged, and the Greco-Etruscan world. Could they have stayed an armed people after the severe defeat of 283 BC ? The date of some artefacts in Montefortino necropol is most debated. Waiting for a critical revision of the material, a high datation (c. 280-270 BC) for the last tombs with La Tène arms in the Senon territory is still the most coherent hypothesis, and the best adapted to available data.
Sankot, Pavel, “La sépulture de Hosty en Bohême méridionale. Nouvelles considérations”, Études Celtiques 33 (1997): 37–58.
abstract:
[FR] La restauration récente de l’agrafe de Hosty démontre que les agrafes de ceinturon en fer, provenant de Bohême, traduisent une richesse d’ornementation et d’éléments de construction au moins égale à celles exécutées en bronze et connues jusqu’ici dans la région de La Tène occidentale. En même temps, cet objet nous aide à comprendre le système du décor des agrafes du début de la civilisation de La Tène en Bohême. Tout comme dans la région rhénane, un masque humain schématisé, y est substitué au motif initial du maître des animaux provenant de l’Italie du Nord. En ce qui concerne l’étude de l’objet de Bohême, celui-ci est encadré par plusieurs paires de motifs animaliers en S symétriquement disposés.
La maîtrise du traitement du fer, effectuée dans les ateliers locaux, permettait de satisfaire des impératifs esthétiques de la région de La Tène orientale.
[EN] The Hosty tomb in southern Bohemia, new considerations.
The example of conservation of the openwork belt-hook from Hosty has been used to demonstrate that the belt-hooks from Bohemia were as rich in decoration and construction elements as it is the case with bronze products of the Western - La Tène zone. At the same time the find concerned exposes the system of decoration of Early La Tène belt-hooks in Bohemia. The initial motif of the master of the beast of North Italian origin had been here, same as in the Rhineland, substituted by a schematized human mask. On the object of the study it is framed by series of symmetrically set pairs of S -shaped animal motifs.
The masterly iron working in local workshops was capable to satisfy even the different aesthetic demands of East - La Tène zone.
La maîtrise du traitement du fer, effectuée dans les ateliers locaux, permettait de satisfaire des impératifs esthétiques de la région de La Tène orientale.
[EN] The Hosty tomb in southern Bohemia, new considerations.
The example of conservation of the openwork belt-hook from Hosty has been used to demonstrate that the belt-hooks from Bohemia were as rich in decoration and construction elements as it is the case with bronze products of the Western - La Tène zone. At the same time the find concerned exposes the system of decoration of Early La Tène belt-hooks in Bohemia. The initial motif of the master of the beast of North Italian origin had been here, same as in the Rhineland, substituted by a schematized human mask. On the object of the study it is framed by series of symmetrically set pairs of S -shaped animal motifs.
The masterly iron working in local workshops was capable to satisfy even the different aesthetic demands of East - La Tène zone.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 33, 1997: <link>
abstract:
[FR] La restauration récente de l’agrafe de Hosty démontre que les agrafes de ceinturon en fer, provenant de Bohême, traduisent une richesse d’ornementation et d’éléments de construction au moins égale à celles exécutées en bronze et connues jusqu’ici dans la région de La Tène occidentale. En même temps, cet objet nous aide à comprendre le système du décor des agrafes du début de la civilisation de La Tène en Bohême. Tout comme dans la région rhénane, un masque humain schématisé, y est substitué au motif initial du maître des animaux provenant de l’Italie du Nord. En ce qui concerne l’étude de l’objet de Bohême, celui-ci est encadré par plusieurs paires de motifs animaliers en S symétriquement disposés.
La maîtrise du traitement du fer, effectuée dans les ateliers locaux, permettait de satisfaire des impératifs esthétiques de la région de La Tène orientale.
[EN] The Hosty tomb in southern Bohemia, new considerations.
The example of conservation of the openwork belt-hook from Hosty has been used to demonstrate that the belt-hooks from Bohemia were as rich in decoration and construction elements as it is the case with bronze products of the Western - La Tène zone. At the same time the find concerned exposes the system of decoration of Early La Tène belt-hooks in Bohemia. The initial motif of the master of the beast of North Italian origin had been here, same as in the Rhineland, substituted by a schematized human mask. On the object of the study it is framed by series of symmetrically set pairs of S -shaped animal motifs.
The masterly iron working in local workshops was capable to satisfy even the different aesthetic demands of East - La Tène zone.
La maîtrise du traitement du fer, effectuée dans les ateliers locaux, permettait de satisfaire des impératifs esthétiques de la région de La Tène orientale.
[EN] The Hosty tomb in southern Bohemia, new considerations.
The example of conservation of the openwork belt-hook from Hosty has been used to demonstrate that the belt-hooks from Bohemia were as rich in decoration and construction elements as it is the case with bronze products of the Western - La Tène zone. At the same time the find concerned exposes the system of decoration of Early La Tène belt-hooks in Bohemia. The initial motif of the master of the beast of North Italian origin had been here, same as in the Rhineland, substituted by a schematized human mask. On the object of the study it is framed by series of symmetrically set pairs of S -shaped animal motifs.
The masterly iron working in local workshops was capable to satisfy even the different aesthetic demands of East - La Tène zone.
Drda, Petr, and Alena Rybova, “La distribution spatiale de l’artisanat spécialisé sur les oppida celtiques”, Études Celtiques 33 (1997): 59–80.
abstract:
[FR] Les observations concernant certains aspects du potentiel productif de l’artisanat spécialisé des oppida sont fondées sur les publications récentes des sites de Hrazany, Stradonice et Zâvist. La cartographie des activités artisanales présente un milieu caractéristique (l'aire proche des portes, l’intérieur des fermes closes, certains endroits extra muros) qui se répète de site en site. Les ateliers correspondant à des activités qui peuvent être identifiées archéologiquement, indiquent le nombre relativement peu élevé d’artisans contemporains d’une même branche. Même réduit en nombre, ce groupe de personnes qualifiées réussissait à alimenter le marché local. Il formait indiscutablement un milieu concurrentiel limité qui pouvait conduire à une certaine spécialisation de la production. Cependant, l’existence de ce groupe peu nombreux d’artisans spécialisés pouvait à peine globalement modifier la nature agricole des oppida.
[EN] Spatial distribution of special crafts on Celtic oppida.
The study results presented here, relating to some of the aspects of the specialized production potential are based on the recently published information on finds from the oppida of Hrazany, Stradonice and Závist. The spatial analysis has shown that specialized production activities repeatedly took place in the same locations at different oppida, almost exclusively in the vicinity of gates, in the homesteads, and, in special cases, extra muros. The workshops belonging to crafts archaeologically identifiable suggest that the overall number of concurrent craftsmen of one specialization was relatively low. A limited group of qualified craftsmen could, though, cover the demands of the local needs (local market). As a result, competition could, to a certain extent, be created, leading to an industrial specialization.
[EN] Spatial distribution of special crafts on Celtic oppida.
The study results presented here, relating to some of the aspects of the specialized production potential are based on the recently published information on finds from the oppida of Hrazany, Stradonice and Závist. The spatial analysis has shown that specialized production activities repeatedly took place in the same locations at different oppida, almost exclusively in the vicinity of gates, in the homesteads, and, in special cases, extra muros. The workshops belonging to crafts archaeologically identifiable suggest that the overall number of concurrent craftsmen of one specialization was relatively low. A limited group of qualified craftsmen could, though, cover the demands of the local needs (local market). As a result, competition could, to a certain extent, be created, leading to an industrial specialization.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 33, 1997: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Les observations concernant certains aspects du potentiel productif de l’artisanat spécialisé des oppida sont fondées sur les publications récentes des sites de Hrazany, Stradonice et Zâvist. La cartographie des activités artisanales présente un milieu caractéristique (l'aire proche des portes, l’intérieur des fermes closes, certains endroits extra muros) qui se répète de site en site. Les ateliers correspondant à des activités qui peuvent être identifiées archéologiquement, indiquent le nombre relativement peu élevé d’artisans contemporains d’une même branche. Même réduit en nombre, ce groupe de personnes qualifiées réussissait à alimenter le marché local. Il formait indiscutablement un milieu concurrentiel limité qui pouvait conduire à une certaine spécialisation de la production. Cependant, l’existence de ce groupe peu nombreux d’artisans spécialisés pouvait à peine globalement modifier la nature agricole des oppida.
[EN] Spatial distribution of special crafts on Celtic oppida.
The study results presented here, relating to some of the aspects of the specialized production potential are based on the recently published information on finds from the oppida of Hrazany, Stradonice and Závist. The spatial analysis has shown that specialized production activities repeatedly took place in the same locations at different oppida, almost exclusively in the vicinity of gates, in the homesteads, and, in special cases, extra muros. The workshops belonging to crafts archaeologically identifiable suggest that the overall number of concurrent craftsmen of one specialization was relatively low. A limited group of qualified craftsmen could, though, cover the demands of the local needs (local market). As a result, competition could, to a certain extent, be created, leading to an industrial specialization.
[EN] Spatial distribution of special crafts on Celtic oppida.
The study results presented here, relating to some of the aspects of the specialized production potential are based on the recently published information on finds from the oppida of Hrazany, Stradonice and Závist. The spatial analysis has shown that specialized production activities repeatedly took place in the same locations at different oppida, almost exclusively in the vicinity of gates, in the homesteads, and, in special cases, extra muros. The workshops belonging to crafts archaeologically identifiable suggest that the overall number of concurrent craftsmen of one specialization was relatively low. A limited group of qualified craftsmen could, though, cover the demands of the local needs (local market). As a result, competition could, to a certain extent, be created, leading to an industrial specialization.
Kruta, Venceslas, “La fibule «à masques» du gué de Port-à-Binson (Marne)”, Études Celtiques 26 (1989): 7–22.
abstract:
[FR] La fìbule «à masques» en bronze, trouvée anciennement lors de dragages de la Marne au gué de Port-à-Binson (commune de Dormans, dép. Marne), est une pièce exceptionnelle, datable du deuxième ou troisième tiers du Ve siècle avant J.-C. L’association de la tête de bélier et de celle d’un homme doté de l’attribut de la «couronne de gui» relève de l’iconographie d’une importante divinité celtique, non identifiable actuellement, largement répandue à cette période de la Rhénanie à la limite occidentale du bassin karpatique. Elle n’était pas attestée jusqu’ici aussi explicitement dans l’aire du faciès marnien.
[EN] The bronze brooch of the so-called Maskenfibel type, found many years ago in the river Marne at the ford of Port-à-Binson (near Dormans, dep. Marne), is a fine Celtic work dated in the fifth century B.C. The association of the ram head and a human face with the “mistletoe-crown” belongs to the common iconography of an anonymous great Celtic god, widely illustrated in this period from Rhineland to the western borders of the Carpathian bassin. The brooch is the first clear testimony from the Marnian area.
[EN] The bronze brooch of the so-called Maskenfibel type, found many years ago in the river Marne at the ford of Port-à-Binson (near Dormans, dep. Marne), is a fine Celtic work dated in the fifth century B.C. The association of the ram head and a human face with the “mistletoe-crown” belongs to the common iconography of an anonymous great Celtic god, widely illustrated in this period from Rhineland to the western borders of the Carpathian bassin. The brooch is the first clear testimony from the Marnian area.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 26, 1989: <link>
abstract:
[FR] La fìbule «à masques» en bronze, trouvée anciennement lors de dragages de la Marne au gué de Port-à-Binson (commune de Dormans, dép. Marne), est une pièce exceptionnelle, datable du deuxième ou troisième tiers du Ve siècle avant J.-C. L’association de la tête de bélier et de celle d’un homme doté de l’attribut de la «couronne de gui» relève de l’iconographie d’une importante divinité celtique, non identifiable actuellement, largement répandue à cette période de la Rhénanie à la limite occidentale du bassin karpatique. Elle n’était pas attestée jusqu’ici aussi explicitement dans l’aire du faciès marnien.
[EN] The bronze brooch of the so-called Maskenfibel type, found many years ago in the river Marne at the ford of Port-à-Binson (near Dormans, dep. Marne), is a fine Celtic work dated in the fifth century B.C. The association of the ram head and a human face with the “mistletoe-crown” belongs to the common iconography of an anonymous great Celtic god, widely illustrated in this period from Rhineland to the western borders of the Carpathian bassin. The brooch is the first clear testimony from the Marnian area.
[EN] The bronze brooch of the so-called Maskenfibel type, found many years ago in the river Marne at the ford of Port-à-Binson (near Dormans, dep. Marne), is a fine Celtic work dated in the fifth century B.C. The association of the ram head and a human face with the “mistletoe-crown” belongs to the common iconography of an anonymous great Celtic god, widely illustrated in this period from Rhineland to the western borders of the Carpathian bassin. The brooch is the first clear testimony from the Marnian area.
Drda, Petr, “L’oppidum celtique du Hradiště près de Stradonice en Bohême : les défenses”, Études Celtiques 25 (1988): 59–67.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 25, 1988: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Le masque et la palmette au IIIe siècle avant J.-C. : Loisy-sur-Marne et Brno-Maloměřice”, Études Celtiques 24 (1987): 13–32.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 24, 1987: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Le corail, le vin et l’Arbre de vie : observations sur l’art et la religion des Celtes du Ve au Ier siècle avant J.-C”, Études Celtiques 23 (1986): 7–32.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 23, 1986: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Le port d’anneaux de cheville en Champagne et le problème d’une immigration danubienne au IIIe s. avant J.-C”, Études Celtiques 22 (1985): 27–51.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 22, 1985: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Deux fourreaux marniens décorés du Ve siècle avant notre ère”, Études Celtiques 20 (1983): 23–41.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 20, 1983: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, and Miklós Szabó, “Canthares danubiens du IIIe siècle avant notre ère. Un exemple d’influence hellénistique sur les Celtes orientaux”, Études Celtiques 19 (1982): 51–67.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 19, 1982: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Archéologie et numismatique : la phase initiale du monnayage celtique”, Études Celtiques 19 (1982): 69–82.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 19, 1982: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Les Sénons de l'Adriatique d’après l'archéologie (prolégomènes)”, Études Celtiques 18 (1981): 7–38.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 18, 1981: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Les Boïens de Cispadane : essai de paléoethnographie celtique”, Études Celtiques 17 (1980): 7–32.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 17, 1980: <link>
Kruta, Venceslas, “Le casque d’Amfreville-sous-les-Monts (Eure) et quelques problèmes de l’art celtique du IVe siècle avant notre ère”, Études Celtiques 15:2 (1976–1977): 405–424.
